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	<title>Resolution Mediation &#187; Majorities</title>
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		<title>Advocating Peace or Promoting Conflict and Discrimination? The Strange Case of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies</title>
		<link>http://www.resolutionmediation.net//762/advocating-peace-promoting-conflict-discrimination-strange-case-centre-peace-conflict-studies/</link>
		<comments>http://www.resolutionmediation.net//762/advocating-peace-promoting-conflict-discrimination-strange-case-centre-peace-conflict-studies/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 02 Apr 2011 14:49:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Colonialism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Conflict Resolution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Consensus]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israeli Occupation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israeli Palestinian Conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Majorities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Minority Groups]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[National Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Oppression]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Partisans]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Peace And Conflict Studies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Policy Researcher]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Protagonists]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Religious Fanaticism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Religious Hatred]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[S Vision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strange Case]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Unfairness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[University Of Sydney]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Vision Statement]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.resolutionmediation.net/?p=762</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[<br /><br />The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney was formed in May 1988 to promote interdisciplinary research and teaching on the causes of conflict, and the conditions that affect conflict resolution and peace. The Centre’s vision statement emphasizes that peace involves not just the absence of violence, but also an end [...]<br /><br /><br /><br />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney  was formed in May 1988 to promote interdisciplinary research and  teaching on the causes of conflict, and the conditions that affect  conflict resolution and peace. The Centre’s vision statement emphasizes  that peace involves not just the absence of violence, but also an end to  structural unfairness, and the achievement of justice.</p>
<p>As a social policy researcher who has written extensively about the  links between structural injustice and social disadvantage, I can see  some merit in their argument that conflict resolution requires  addressing the structural basis of oppression and violence. But I also  believe that many conflicts are far more complex than that. To be sure,  some involve structural oppression of small powerless countries or  peoples by larger powerful countries or peoples. But alternatively,  other intra-national conflicts often involve</p>
<p>persecution by majority groups of minority groups as a result of  national, racial and religious hatred. This includes majorities who were  themselves previously victims of colonialism or invasion.</p>
<p>In my opinion, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not fit easily  into either of these two categories given that it obviously has  multi-layered causes, and there is no international consensus on the  causes of this conflict. The protagonists and their key supporters are  totally polarized. For pro-Israel partisans, Israel is the David acting  in self-defense. The conflict is seen as the product of unrelenting Arab  and Palestinian hostility since 1948 based on nationalist and religious  fanaticism. For pro-Palestinian partisans, Israel is the Goliath  bullying the region. The conflict is viewed as the outcome of the exile  of most Palestinians in 1948, and the Israeli occupation of territories  claimed by the Palestinians since 1967.</p>
<p>Those who genuinely want to promote peace need to find some way of  mediating and achieving a mid-way compromise between these two polarized  perspectives. Instead, the CPACS seem to have adopted a simplistic view  of Israel/Palestine based on the binary opposites of good and bad  nations. CPACS’ caricatures deftly avoid the complexity of the conflict,  and the existence of moderates and extremists on both sides of the  fence. Their aim does not appear to be to support compromise or  reconciliation, but rather to impose pariah status on one particular  nation. In addition, they seem to have labelled any and all supporters  of Israel – whatever their diverse views on solutions to the conflict –  as apologists for structural oppression. This labeling has been  particularly apparent in two episodes: the 2003 controversy over the  awarding of the Sydney Peace Prize to Hanan Ashrawi, and the more recent  campaign by CPACS Director Jake Lynch to boycott all Israeli  institutions.</p>
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		<title>Public Safety Employer Employee Cooperation Act: The Heritage Foundation 2010 Labor Boot Camp</title>
		<link>http://www.resolutionmediation.net//265/public-safety-employer-employee-cooperation-act-heritage-foundation-2010-labor-boot-camp/</link>
		<comments>http://www.resolutionmediation.net//265/public-safety-employer-employee-cooperation-act-heritage-foundation-2010-labor-boot-camp/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 08 Feb 2010 06:39:35 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Act Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Benefit Packages]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Binding Arbitration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Collective Bargaining]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Conditions Of Employment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cooperation Act]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dispute Resolution Mechanism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Employee Cooperation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Employer Employee]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Federal Labor Relations Authority]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Government Employees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Heritage Foundation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labor Organization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Local Control]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Majorities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public Safety Employees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[State And Local Government]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[State And Local Governments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Terms And Conditions Of Employment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Unfair Labor Practices]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.resolutionmediation.net/?p=265</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[<br /><br />What Is the Public Safety Employer-Employee Cooperation Act (PSEECA)? The act would require all state and local governments to collectively bargain with public safety employees&#8211;police officers, firefighters, and emergency medical personnel. States would be forced to permit bargaining over wages, hours, and all terms and conditions of employment. States would have to provide a dispute [...]<br /><br /><br /><br />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span><strong>What Is the Public Safety Employer-Employee Cooperation Act (PSEECA)?</strong></span></p>
<ul type="disc">
<li>The act would require all state and local governments to collectively bargain with public safety employees&#8211;police officers, firefighters, and emergency medical personnel.</li>
<li>States would be forced to permit bargaining over wages, hours, and all terms and conditions of employment.</li>
<li>States would have to provide a dispute resolution mechanism, such as binding arbitration.</li>
<li>PSEECA allows the Federal Labor Relations Authority (FLRA) to determine whether a state&#8217;s collective bargaining arrangements meet the standards as defined by the act. If they do not, the FLRA could impose a collective bargaining system on the state.</li>
<li>The FLRA would have considerable authority to enforce the act, including:</li>
<li style="list-style-type: none;">
<ul type="circle">
<li>Determining the appropriateness of units for labor organization representation;</li>
<li>Conducting hearings and resolving complaints of unfair labor practices; and</li>
<li>Supervising or conducting elections to determine whether a labor organization has been selected as an exclusive representative by a voting majority of the employees.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>States would be granted the authority to pass laws more expansive than those the federal government imposed.</li>
<li>States would not, however, be allowed to pass narrower laws than those contained in the act.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Policy Objections</strong></p>
<ul type="disc">
<li>Unionized state and local government employees earn 11-12 percent higher pay than comparable non-union workers.</li>
<li>They also have more expensive benefit packages than non-union workers.</li>
<li>The act would end local control and flexibility by forcing the minority that has chosen not to collectively bargain to do so. Different states and local governments have different needs and should be free to fit their policies to their individual needs. Collective bargaining does not work everywhere.</li>
<li>Large majorities of public safety employees already collectively bargain. The states in which collective bargaining is appropriate and affordable have already chosen to do so. The legislation represents a solution in search of a problem.</li>
<li>Not all issues should be collectively negotiated. For instance:</li>
<li style="list-style-type: none;">
<ul type="circle">
<li>Police unions should not negotiate the terms and conditions under which their members may use deadly force.</li>
<li>Many state and local governments promote police officers on the basis of merit and performance instead of through collectively bargained seniority schedules. Merit-based promotions and raises encourage hard work and help put the best workers in the most sensitive positions. However, unions prefer seniority-based promotions. States should not be forced to bargain over this issue.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Experience demonstrates that collective bargaining does not lead to increased cooperation between public safety employees and their employers.</li>
<li style="list-style-type: none;">
<ul type="circle">
<li>The process is inherently adversarial: Pitting employees and employers against each other at the bargaining table creates as much conflict as cooperation.</li>
<li>Consequently, public-sector employees will often strike when the law explicitly forbids it, putting vital public services at risk.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>PSEECA may deter or even eliminate volunteer firefighting. Firefighters unions vehemently oppose volunteer firefighters because they reduce the need for paid firefighters. They levy stiff internal fines against unionized firefighters who volunteer off-duty. By requiring all states and localities to collectively bargain, PSEECA would make it easier for unions to crack down on volunteer firefighting.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Economic Effects</strong></p>
<ul type="disc">
<li>The act imposes an expensive unfunded mandate on state and local governments.</li>
<li>Without providing financing for the mandate, the act will force these governments to either cut services or raise taxes.</li>
<li>The act prevents employers from hiring workers who would do the same job for less than union wages, thus undermining potentially more qualified competition.</li>
<li>This gives the union much more negotiating power but harms workers who could negotiate a better individual deal with the employer. A non-union worker who prefers merit-based promotions must instead accept what the union negotiates for him.</li>
</ul>
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